International Transit Studies Program
Report on the Spring 1998 Mission, Part 2
Private Urban Transit Systems and Low-Cost Mobility
Solutions in Major Latin American Cities
Busway Planning, Design, and Operation
A low-cost transit solution that was evident on this mission was the
use of busways. A busway is an exclusive right-of-way used by buses. Busways can
dramatically improve transit service and operations by increasing the speed of transit
vehicles, reducing travel time for transit riders, and increasing the reliability of the
system. Busways are considerably less expensive than comparable rail options, and provide
greater flexibility since the same vehicle can generally travel on either the busway or a
normal travel lane.
This section examines the planning, design, and operation of the
busways in Porto Alegre, Curitiba, and São Paulo.
Porto Alegre, Brazil
There has been little effort to tie busway and station development to
the city’s land-use patterns. While the city allows greater density of development in
exchange for donations of land for transit purposes, there was no formal or concerted
effort to create higher density development along the busways.
Six exclusive radial bus lane medians converge on the city. These bus
medians are used by urban and regional buses. The buses are held at huge paraderos
or terminals with a capacity of up to 70 buses. During weekday rush hours, bus flow is at
a rate of 350 per hour at an average speed of 15 miles per hour; passenger flows reach up
to 20,000 passengers per hour in each direction.
The typical median busway has a width of 29.5 feet; each bus lane is
11.5 feet wide. In the areas between stops, there is a 3.25- to 6.5-foot concrete median
between the two bus lanes. Bus lanes are separated from other traffic by a painted solid
line with pavement "buttons." Passenger stops are located along the busway and
are staggered—a stop in one direction followed immediately by a stop in the other
direction. At the stops, the bus lanes shift to one side of the 9-meter busway width. The
bus lanes narrow so that a passenger platform of about 9.75 feet in width can be
constructed at the stop. This system of staggered stops and a median between the stops
allows the busway width to remain a constant 29.5 feet along its entire length.
The busway system is designed so that buses operating in the
neighborhoods continue onto the busways into the city center. This has reduced the need
for transfers by customers, but has resulted in excess capacity along the busway
corridors. Fifty percent of buses go to the city center, while only 30 percent of riders
have destinations in the central area. As a result, the city is now planning to convert to
a "feeder/trunk" system, with separate neighborhood buses and corridor buses.
This way, bus capacity and frequency can be more closely matched with demand. This will
require the construction of transfer stations where neighborhood buses meet corridor
buses.
Interestingly, buses are sent through in platoons during peak travel
times. This allows buses to pull into the bus stops in an order that corresponds to the
boarding positions at the bus stops. This results in faster boarding and eliminates the
need for buses to overtake each other to reach the proper boarding area. This "bus
platooning" system evolved from the Comonor convoy system, which involves not only
bus ordering but also grouping of buses into convoys at the start of a busway.
Curitiba, Brazil
The Curitiba public transportation is currently an all-bus system that
includes neighborhood service, interdistrict (cross-town) operations, direct
(limited-stop) service between downtown and major transfer points, and busways. Buses
operating each of the different types of service are color-coded. Despite the fact that
there is one car for every two residents (a high rate for Brazil), annual bus ridership is
approximately 325 million, and 75 percent of worktrips are taken by bus. The heaviest
busway corridor carries 27,000 passengers in each direction during a peak hour, a figure
that exceeds most light- rail corridors and approaches many subway lines.
The Curitiba fare system is fully integrated, so that one fare can be
used for multiple bus boardings on any type of bus route, as long as transfers occur at a
bus terminal. The buses operating on the busways and in direct service require prepayment
of fares. Fares are collected by a station conductor at either an access-controlled bus
terminal or at a "tube" boarding stop. The terminals are located at the ends of
the busways and about every 1.25 miles along the busways. Passengers pay a fare to enter
the terminal on foot or they enter by bus, in which case, they have already paid the fare.
Within the terminal, all bus boarding is unrestricted. With neighborhood and interdistrict
buses, an on-board conductor collects the fare when passengers get on.
Tube stops are designed as large glass cylinders with an entrance at
one end and an exit at the other (Figures 11a & b). Riders pay when entering the tube.
Buses pull alongside the tube and extend "flaps" from the door to the tube
platform, providing level access between the bus and the passenger platform. Wheelchair
access is provided via a lift at the tube entrance.
Prepayment of fares and level boarding, systems typically found in rail
systems, create a very efficient boarding and deboarding process. A bi-articulated bus (a
5-door, 82-foot bus built by Volvo and currently used only in Curitiba) with a load of 270
people can board or deboard in about 20 seconds. The average speed of buses using the
busway is 13 miles per hour—twice the estimated speed for operating in the same
corridors in mixed traffic.
There are five busways, each between 5 and 7.5 miles long, radiating
from the city center. The most recent busway was completed in 1994 at a cost of $1.5
million per kilometer. There are plans to add circumferential busways to link key suburban
areas.
Busways operate in the median of a street. They are flanked by one-lane
roads on either side that handle local traffic and have on-street parking. The main flow
of automobile traffic was shifted to parallel streets one block to either side of the
busway. This system has removed high-speed traffic from the lanes adjacent to the busway
and allows for easier and safer pedestrian access to tube stations along the busway. The
tube stations are located approximately every 547 yards.
A typical busway is designed with two travel lanes for buses of 11.5
feet each, flanked on each side by a curbed area that ranges in width from 1 to 2 meters.
On-street parking is immediately next to the raised curb. Adjacent to bus stops, parking
is eliminated and that extra width is used to accommodate the tube stations.
The busway uses a signal priority system. However, because the
frequency of buses operating on the busway can reach one bus per minute during peak hours
in the peak direction, there is a limit on the amount of priority that can be given to the
bus without creating unacceptable delays for cross traffic. As a result, buses operating
on the busways were observed stopping at several of the signalized cross streets.
The city is nearing the capacity limits of a busway. The peak-hour
frequency of buses and the size of buses cannot be increased within the constraints of a
busway operating at grade and intersecting city streets. The next step in the continuing
evolution and improvement of the transit system is to create a grade-separated transitway
(probably rail) in place of the busiest busways. Plans are to have the first
grade-separated corridor in place in about 6 or 8 years.
São Paulo, Brazil
Busways are used extensively in the São Paulo region. There are 16
busway corridors in operation, with a total of 113.5 busway miles. Additional busways are
under construction. Most of the busways are located in cities and regions on the outskirts
of São Paulo. Very heavy public transportation demand in the heart of the city dictates
the need for grade-separated systems, rather than busways, to meet capacity requirements.
This high demand is evident from the São Paulo subway’s second-place world ranking
in passengers per kilometer.
The São Paulo busways are typically built in the median and designed
to be a minimum of 36 feet wide, with two 11.5-foot travel lanes in the center. Raised
curbs with a width of 6.5 feet are set between the bus lanes and traffic on either side.
The width at bus stops increases to accommodate the boarding area. The width of the
passenger boarding platform at terminals is 30 feet. Some of the busways are electrified,
and there are plans to convert more of the busways to electric trolley operation.
The busways have been deemed very successful, as evidenced by high
ridership and public opinion polls. The EMTU, which is planning to construct an additional
209 miles of busways, estimates that busways have a capacity of 15,000 passengers per hour
per direction, have double the operating speeds (to about 11 miles per hour) of
mixed-traffic opera-tion, and reduce operating costs by about 22 percent. The productivity
of buses using the busways (in rides per hour of service) is six times higher than for the
regular bus system.
The public has reacted very positively to the busway system. Using a
public opinion scale of +100 to -100, riders surveyed have rated busway service at +90,
while rating the regular bus service +3. By comparison, using the same rider opinion
scale, Metro, the modern subway, has a rating in the high 80s, while the old commuter rail
line is rated -15.
The busways do not have traffic signal priority when crossing streets
at signalized intersections. In addition, there are sections of the corridor where the
busway stops and the bus must travel in mixed traffic. These occur primarily in commercial
centers.
Many of the bus terminals served by the busways are access controlled,
enabling riders to transfer between buses easily and without paying an additional fare.
The terminals primarily provide connections between the suburban lines and buses and rail
that connect with the São Paulo city center.
High Fare Recovery Ratio
This section provides insight into how Latin American transit systems
achieve high fare recovery ratios.
System Perspective
The density of the cities, availability and frequency of service,
operational standards, existence of capital infrastruc-ture, and integration of retail and
public service facilities to transit centers all play a key factor in system success.
Density. Densities of the cities make movement within the areas a
monumental task (Figure 12). Traffic congestion and air pollution are on the rise. The
cities are not designed to accommodate a large number of vehicles. Driving becomes
inconvenient and people, by choice, do not want to drive their automobiles. Also, many
people cannot afford a car.
Availability and Frequency of Service. Transit service connects
people to work, shops, and home. Service is easily accessible and very frequent. In
Curitiba, a bus comes every 20 seconds during peak time; in São Paulo a train arrives
every 90 seconds. To ride transit is not an inconvenience but rather a better alternative
to driving.
Operating Standards. The transit systems operate under different
regulatory requirements. There are few mandated requirements. There are few safety
standards and no regula-tions addressing air quality and service to the disabled. In
addition, the transit systems visited had low labor rates, few financial reporting
requirements, no workers’ compensation, and no risk management.
Capital Infrastructure. Major capital infrastructures (railway
system, subways, busways) are in place. However, the capital resources are not in place
for future expansions. Capital equipment, such as buses and trains, is aging.
Modernization efforts are ongoing. Many buses and trains do not have air conditioning. In
Argentina, the Metrovias subway cars still have manual doors. Maintenance facilities are
old and generally have very low technology.
Integration. Public service facilities and other retail
establishments are focused around transit facilities. This provides an added convenience
to taking transit. In Curitiba, public service centers are located at transit centers.
Citizens can pay their utility bills, mail letters, and purchase postage.
Socioeconomic Perspective
The combination of personal income, cost of living, social standards,
and low fares make public transit a popular mode of transportation.
Personal Income. The average salary (by U.S. standards) is low. The
average income for a South American worker is approximately $500 to $1,000 per month. A
bus operator earns $630 in Curitiba.
Cost of Living. While rent, food, and other basic commodities did
not appear any less expensive than in the United States, for the average South American
they are expensive. In recent years, South America has experienced runaway inflation and
the cost of living is very high in the cities. More people are moving away from the city
core and must commute into the cities for employment. Very few people own their own cars.
However, car ownership is growing. Of the cities visited, Curitiba has the highest number
of automobiles per person—1 car for every 2.4 persons. Cars are expensive to buy and
to operate. Moreover, ample parking is not available.
Social Customs. Crowded buses and subways are the norm. In
Curitiba, the service loading is 6 passengers per square meter and a 0.5-kilometer walk to
a bus stop. In São Paulo, the Red Line service loading is 7.8 standing passengers per
square meter. Most buses and trains do not have air conditioning. This lack of passenger
amenities is not a deterrent to using transit for South Americans because the lifestyle is
oriented toward walking and public transit. There are many pedestrian malls, outdoor
cafés, and retail stores around transit facilities. Produce vendors, newspaper stands,
food service, and public service offices are common around transit facilities. Typically,
33 percent of the individuals walk to their destinations.
Fares. Fares are controlled by the government. Average bus fare is
$0.70. Commuter rail fare is approximately $1.00. Fares did not seem to be interchangeable
between modes of transportation. They are interchangeable within a system. In Brazil, as a
result of the most recent experience with runaway inflation, the government made a
decision to set the price of fares. A program was developed between the employer and
employee where the cost of public transportation would not exceed 6 percent of the
employee’s salary and the employer would pay the difference in cost. The government
would provide a tax incentive. Fifty percent of the riders use this method.
Summary
The combination of densities, lower wages, less-mandated requirements,
system standards, established infrastructure, and social acceptance allow the cities of
South America to have a high fare recovery ratio. Low-cost technol-ogy and huge ridership
have proven successful for this region.
Government Enforcement of Bus Maintenance
This section compares how the governments of the cities visited require
the private concessionaires to provide an adequate, preventive, and corrective bus fleet
maintenance program.
Buenos Aires, Argentina
The CNRT concentrates its efforts on controlling and regulating the
activities of the private concessionaires. Regulations have been developed to optimize the
private concessionaires’ operations. Generally, private concessionaires report
chassis and body specifications of their operating fleet to the CNRT for approval.
Structural tests of body and chassis materials designated for the construction of transit
buses are performed by the state or third parties.
The CNRT must certify the velocity control equipment and front and rear
door mechanisms for security purposes. Routine inspections are performed on transit buses
for emissions, noise, comfort aspects, cleanliness, licenses, and mechanical components.
At the Transport Plaza maintenance facilities, no documentation was
provided on preventive maintenance procedures for its fleet. Enforcement of regulations by
CNRT is not as comprehensive as that in the United States. The maintenance shop was not
well organized nor was it particularly clean. The buses were not as clean as expected,
especially the engine and transmission.
Montevideo, Uruguay
The municipal administration of Montevideo serves as a facilitator of
the transit industry. Its major concerns are the coordination and control of public
transportation and imple-mentation of renovation programs of the bus fleet as well.
To ensure better bus fleet conditions, the government has instituted
several regulations:
1. Since 1990, the state has obligated private companies to contract
with external auditors to certify maintenance information, including preventive
maintenance procedures.
2. Private companies must present a bus fleet renovation plan that is
acceptable to the local oversight authority. (As a result of this regulation, at least two
companies went out of business.)
3. Private companies must provide certification on emissions,
cleanliness, and security of the bus fleet.
A few factors indicate why government regulations are not as strong in
Montevideo and Buenos Aires, as they are in the United States.
IA Bus transit services in
both cities have been redesigned in all aspects since 1990 when privatization began. Both
systems are relatively new and need time to develop.
IIA Since both cities have
basically new systems, their priority is to improve the service (e.g., increase trip
frequencies, develop reliable schedules, construct new terminals, acquire new buses). When
the conditions improve, there will likely be more attention given to the redesign of
maintenance procedures and construction of new maintenance shops.
IIIA Most of the companies
visited in these two cities are in the process of reorganization.
São Paulo, Brazil
Of the three cities visited in Brazil, São Paulo provided the best
information on regulations concerning preventive maintenance. All private companies that
operate bus lines in the city must convert or acquire their buses with natural gas
propulsion in 10 years. In addition, the private companies must submit fleet maintenance
reports at any time to the São Paulo government. Maintenance procedure inspections are
performed at the concessionaire facilities. The operator is notified by the government
official no more than 15 days prior to the inspection. Vehicles that do not pass the
inspection are not permitted to operate until the problem is resolved. If a bus is put in
service that has not passed inspection, the government will retain the vehicle and fine
the company. The permit to operate can be dissolved.
The government has established a system in which the different
components of the bus are classified in groups. The groups are inspected and measured by
points from 0 to 100. The groups are: brakes, suspension system, tires, power train,
chassis, body, luminaries, interior of the vehicle, electrical system, security equipment,
maintenance shop conditions, and internal maintenance procedures.
The government coordinates visits to a property with an inspection
team. The team is required to perform a 1-hour inspection on each bus, on 160 buses per
day. Private companies provide inspectors with all materials, documentation, and personnel
needed to perform the inspections.
The maintenance shops observed at EMTU and JABAQUARA (a private
company) were organized, secure, and clean. Their written maintenance procedures and
quality control procedures were excellent (Figure 13).
A strong regulation enforcement was noted on properties visited in São
Paulo.
Customer Service and Users’ Opinions
In each of the cities visited, there is extremely high transit
ridership per capita. There are several reasons for this: the high cost of fuel
(equivalent to more than US$3 per gallon); high car registration fees ($125 every 2 months
in Buenos Aires); low per capita wages; extremely high population densities; and heavy
congestion on major highways and main streets.
Although automobile ownership is on the increase, public transportation
is still the mode of choice in these cities. The high market share and huge amount of
service provided in the South American approach to customer service makes it different
from that in the United States or those observed by previous study missions to Europe and
Asia. This section outlines the customer service features and delivery systems observed in
each of the five cities visited in South America.
Buenos Aires, Argentina
In the 1980s, the public and transit customers, in particular,
perceived the quality of government services to have deteriorated. There was general alarm
that the costs of providing services were too high and out of control. In addition, there
were no ideas as to how to pay for increasing or improving services. In the 1990s, the
city experienced public demand for more and improved services while in an economic
environment where government could not afford it. This led to a radical shift in the
balance of power between the government, concessionaires, and the public.
In the early 1990s, government privatized a whole host of services. Bus
services had already been privatized in 1965. By 1996, privatization of rail occurred. The
hope was that getting government out of service delivery would result in better service at
less cost to taxpayers and consumers.
Polls indicate that 70 percent of the public approve of the changes in
the bus system. The new fleets are more comfortable and reliable. Ninety percent of the
public reports that bus service quality is better and they approve of the changes.
Private concessioners are motivated to improve because public approval
has a bearing on whether they can successfully negotiate rights to new corridors, corridor
extensions, or new types of services such as executive minibus service. Operators of the
new minibus services can charge a higher fare than the rates set by government for other
services. This minibus service is seen as a growth market. It is popular with suburban
residents because it is very personalized. Riders who use the service are guaranteed a
seat, and the express buses run to the city center. The comfort level is good, with no
overcrowding, and the trip is fast because there are no stops in the developed ring around
the city center.
On-street information is sporadic and inconsistent. Bus stops, which
are located a few hundred feet apart, sometimes include a traditional bus stop sign,
showing route numbers and names of buses stopping there. Other stops only show a bus stop
sign, while others are marked with a sticker wrapped around a pole. There appears to be
little coordination with the municipalities who are responsible for placement and
maintenance of shelters. No customer information displays, such as schedules, maps, or
public telephones, were found at bus stops. Public schedules, maps, and visitor’s
guides were not apparently available. Some of these options are being considered by
company and government officials. Bus operators and collectives rely on their ability to
provide high frequencies and a wide range of services to ensure customer satisfaction.
Observations confirm that customers approach stops and seldom wait more than 1 to 2
minutes for a bus to arrive. In Buenos Aires, frequency and information appear to be the
best forms of customer service.
The new umbrella rail corporation, TBA, attributes its success to its
focus on the passenger. The company’s improvements to rail elements have had
overwhelming public support and the public has reacted very positively to new low-floor
buses that were recently added to the fleets.
TBA conducts detailed socioeconomic ridership profiles by line. Figure
14 presents the survey results of two lines. White-collar workers are the predominant
users of the Tigre and Victoria lines. Users of the Mitre and Suarez lines are more mixed
in terms of occupations and incomes. The Sorrento Line is generally made up of
middle-class to lower-middle-class riders. TBA is trying to use this information to guide
investment decisions.
TBA routinely conducts surveys to gauge consumer approval. The company
had 10 years to reach the quality of service standard required in its concessioner
contract, but did so in the fourth year. TBA’s market research shows customers will
tolerate up to a doubling of fares if service improves simultaneously.
The city’s subway had been allowed to deteriorate over the past 25
years and needed a large infusion of capital investment. Metrovias, the concessionaire for
the subway, was awarded a 40-year contract. Its immediate focus was on maintenance and
improving on-time performance. Improvements are obvious, from the restoration of the
historic tile murals on walls at existing stations to the addition of new stations and
more service. Two new stations opened in 1997, and capacity was added when cars were
bought from Japan allowing frequency of service to go from every 5 to every 3 minutes.
Riders are registering their approval by returning to the system. As a result of better
conditions and service, ridership has increased by 53 percent in 4 years.
When passengers on Metrovias’s Urquiza Line complained about lack
of security, the concessionaire responded to this issue. Improvements in passenger
security not only restored the users’ confidence, but also reduced fare evasion which
had been a major problem on this line. Currently, the biggest passenger complaint concerns
a lack of air conditioning. Metrovias is responding by changing the ventilation system in
the cars.
Metropolitano, another concessionaire, runs three commuter rail lines
and has 45 percent of the market share. The rail system was near collapse at the time
Metropolitano took over. Major strides have been made in the last several years, but there
are still many improvements to make. Improvements have started on the 120 stations and
locomotives have been purchased. Concentrated efforts in defensive maintenance are paying
off. On-time performance was 84 percent whereas it is now at 97.4 percent. The quality
index in Metropolitano’s contract called for a 1.15 percent improvement by the tenth
year, but it achieved 1.24 percent as of January 1998.
One of the biggest challenges facing both TBA and Metropolitano is the
reintroduction of feeder bus service to the rail stations. Buses used to feed the
railways, but when rail service quality declined, the bus operators obtained government
authorization to run parallel to the rail lines. This arrangement continues today with bus
routes and rail lines competing against each other. Now that ridership is shifting back to
rail, however, the buses are suffering declines in ridership and consequently, they have
an incentive to coordinate.
Transportes Plaza, an operator of six bus lines, wants a reorganization
and is encouraging the governmental regulatory body to do so. Concessions for the new
executive minibus routes have been granted, but little progress has been made toward bus
route restructuring. It will take public pressure to speed up the change because there is
great and growing consumer demand for feeder bus routes to the rail stations.
Although there are signs of stations being improved on the rail lines,
in many cases there is no room for good bus interface or park-and-ride elements (Figure
15). Most of the rail lines are dependent on walk-up customers.
TBA has recently completed the new San Isidro Station for rail/bus
interface with a park-and-ride element on the Metro. Riders are noticeably fond of this
beautiful new facility.
Montevideo, Uruguay
The customer focus in Montevideo is on stabilizing ridership and
implementing capital and service improvements that will reclaim lost ridership. Along with
reorganized service, a number of customer amenities have been added in an effort to win
back transit customers. Approximately 80 percent of the 4,500 bus stops in the city have
been marked with new, consistent signage. New signs clearly mark bus stop areas and serve
as a symbol of the reorganized transit system (Figure 16). Nearly 20 new bus terminals
have been constructed at key points throughout the system. Although modest by North
American standards, these functional facilities provide customers with convenient places
to wait for buses and to transfer between lines operated by different cooperatives. All
facilities have covered places to wait for buses, restrooms, telephones, and small retail
establishments where customers can make quick purchases. The cooperatives that operate
services are responsible for terminal operation and maintenance. Cooperatives decide which
buses use the terminal, where customers will board, and how the concessions are operated.
According to public opinion polls conducted by the city, customers are pleased with the
new terminals, especially the convenient transfer opportunities. The city is also
investing in new curb-side bus lane construction in downtown Montevideo (Figure 17a &
b).
Since 1990, approximately 60 percent of the bus fleet has been
replaced. At the present time, the fleet average age is 4 years. The renewed bus fleet,
installation of new bus stop signs, and the construction of centrally located bus
terminals are the first steps in the government’s effort to win back customer
confidence and provide a level of service necessary to attract new customers.
The city and the cooperatives have begun to introduce a new diversified
route structure which better matches supply to demand. Prominent among these offerings is
the extension of bus routes into lower income suburbs on the outskirts of the city;
rerouting of service to better serve major shopping centers located outside the central
city; establishment of express service from middle-income suburbs; and the elimination of
duplicative routes operated by different cooperatives on major arterials.
The city is currently working on Montevideo’s first transit route
guide. Officials hope to have this completed within a year. The city is also working to
develop public schedules and route maps which can be distributed to customers and posted
at major bus stops. A large database is being created containing service, ridership, and
performance data. The database will also include information about customers which will be
used to communicate with them and to promote improved services. The city has begun
image-based marketing using flyers and brochures to promote the city, special events, and
the transit service, which can be used to travel throughout Montevideo.
Porto Alegre, Brazil
The public generally supports mass transit, but because of rapid
growth, Porto Alegre needs to reallocate its bus resources to achieve better coverage.
Almost 50 percent of the buses going to the city core can be redistributed, and 34 percent
systemwide can be redistributed to other existing or new routes.
Trip patterns are getting longer. For this reason the city is focusing
on creating the fastest long-distance travel possible. The city’s transportation
planners realize that the current radial system of busways is not adequate, and it will
become less relevant to travelers as travel patterns become more disperse. Plans call for
additional busways and the incorporation of a stronger grid network of routes with an
overlay of intercept stations for people to transfer from bus to bus.
Recognizing that 20 percent of riders currently transfer between buses
in making a trip, it is important to make the transfers as smooth as possible. Consumer
input has been very positive to the ideas in the expansion plans. Customers expect there
to be greater flexibility with the grid overlay. Figure 18 shows the strategy for evolving
the transit service in a way that meets the changing needs of the population.
Customer requests for minibuses led to a rapidly expanding new service.
Minibuses guarantee customers a seat and provide more amenities (e.g., air conditioning)
than what is found on conventional service. Many customers are willing to pay more to
receive these amenities. Eighty minibuses are in the public transit coordinated system and
there are another 330 minibuses outside the coordinated regulated system.
Responding to customer inquiries and surveys is a high priority for
officials in Porto Alegre. The existing system is well designed and effective. However, it
needs to be modified and expanded to keep pace with surging automobile ownership and
accompanying congestion. STM is promoting many of these new customer service features to
the general public to draw more people away from the automobile usage.
The customer focus in Porto Alegre is on service improvements and the
development of information to make the system easier to understand and to use. STM is
installing an automated monitoring system to provide real-time schedule information for
customers. The system collects information from buses, processes it, and makes it
available to customers. The system has 32 monitoring points throughout the network. The
monitors collect information from buses as they pass through collection points,
transmitting information to a central computer every 3 minutes. Once data is processed,
schedule information is branched to an automated telephone system where customers can
access it. The information is also branched to STM control centers for a variety of other
uses. There is no radio system on buses. This monitoring system is used in place of a
traditional radio system.
STM is installing automatic passenger counters on buses and will
integrate them with the monitoring system to provide better network information for
customers. The agency has developed good system maps and static information displays which
are posted along the busways. On-street information is clean, basic, and useful. STM is
banking on the automated system being a substitute for maps and advanced street
information and plans to use the system in image advertising to attract customers to the
bus system.
Curitiba, Brazil
In Curitiba, urban social services, housing, land use, transit, and
roadway beltways are planned together to achieve a unified strategy for creating a
liveable city with a high quality of life. Although it is a fast-growth city, the
development path has led to less pollution, slightly lower crime rates, and higher
educational levels among its citizens than elsewhere in Latin America. One of the
strategies that has led to Curitiba’s success is the priority placed on the
pedestrian environment and public transport.
Customer input is encouraged and surveys are done almost constantly,
especially along busways and in the boarding tubes. URBS continually conducts surveys and
takes complaint investigation seriously. The agency has a feel about public approval and a
good grasp of public desires, opinions, and support levels.
Customers display pride in the system, its uniqueness, quality, and
level of service. The community also reflects this pride with tourist shops selling models
of buses and bus stop tubes, Curitiba T-shirts, and film for cameras.
The creation of people-friendly places (Figure 19) offers transit users
convenient, comfortable, and generally secure facilities. Trees line the streets and
pedestrian amenities are along sidewalks and plazas. URBS has established an easy
mechanism for customer input at municipal government centers, and "citizen
streets," which are located throughout the city. These mini-city halls are located on
busways with turnstile controls so customers do not leave the system, which would require
an additional fare. In addition to commenting about public transit at the citizen street,
a customer can renew a driver’s license, pay taxes, or talk to government officials.
Citizen streets also include recreation centers and services for children. The intent is
to bring the consumer closer to government and the services it provides.
Busway tubes create a subway-like boarding environment and provide
weather protection, wheelchair lifts at stops rather than on buses, fare collection
curbside, security, and information (Figure 20).
Bus design and the color-coding schemes also reflect the needs of
customers (Figure 21). "Speedy buses" which provide limited-stop service between
downtown and suburban areas have doors on the driver’s side of the vehicle to allow
operation on one-way streets. Red, biarticulated buses which are used for express service
on the busways, have five doors to speed boarding at tube stations. The system is
accessible to people with disabilities. All tube stations are equipped with a lift or ramp
for wheelchairs. Once in the tube, a person who uses a wheelchair can move themselves onto
the bus and into a designated space.
Bus stop signs and overhead destination signs were the best of those
observed in any of the cities visited. It is obvious that customer information is given
priority. System maps were placed at all terminals, boarding tubes, and at major bus stops
and shelter locations. At terminals, the appropriate place to board specific buses was
clearly marked with an effective strip display. All tubes had trash receptacles and public
telephones. Terminals had the same along with restrooms, information booths, and
light-retail outlets.
São Paulo, Brazil
São Paulo is an amazing industrial center and public transportation is
absolutely essential for it to function. Over 20 million transit passenger trips are made
daily on transit. This is about 50 percent of all trips taken.
Many of the riders are very poor. When an employee’s
transportation costs exceeds 6 percent of his or her wages, the employer is obligated to
subsidize the travel. About 50 percent of transit riders fit this situation. Ten percent
of the population is unemployed and, therefore, without a transportation subsidy their
mobility suffers. This situation is resulting in significant increases in the number of
pedestrians.
São Paulo will undergo a reorganization of bus routes and procurement
for operators. Concessionaires will be required to use buses that meet clean energy
standards and will be evaluated based on public opinion established from surveys. São
Paulo will take advantage of customer receptivity to surveys as part of future concession
awards to contractors for bus operations. Concessions will require contractors to achieve
minimum satisfaction ratings on public opinion polls. Contractors with low public opinion
polls may have penalties levied against them or risk termination of their service
contracts.
Customer polling, which will be coordinated by university research
teams, will measure contractor performance in a number of areas such as timeliness,
cleanliness, load factors, and employee courtesy. Most important, the rating will be done
by customers, not field checkers or system supervisors. Contractors will be allowed to
add, delete, or modify service offerings as long as it meets with public approval via the
polling mechanism. In addition to giving customers more say about service, the state
believes innovation will save money, reduce the requirement for street inspections, and
increase contractor responsiveness. The opinion poll system is expected to better match
demand with supply, and account for specific neighborhood and demographic differences
throughout the metropolitan area. By allowing the marketplace to evaluate quality, the
state hopes to improve customer service and the delivery of surface transit in São Paulo.
The city has spent much time, money, and energy on capital-intensive
modes, such as rail. One exception is commuter rail service which is in serious need of
investment. Eighty percent of the commuter trains are out of service due to age and bad
condition. Though there are 600,000 daily riders on the commuter trains, there is a high
level of dissatisfaction with the service. On-time performance, reliability, and comfort
are problems. São Paulo has one of the world’s largest bus systems. Over 48 private
companies, operating a total of 11,100 buses on more than 800 routes, transport 2 billion
bus and trolley riders annually. Within the next 2 years, state-issued smart cards will be
available. The cards will be used as a social security card, bank card, and credit card.
Officials hope to fully integrate transit fare payment options onto the card shortly after
implementation.
Congestion in São Paulo is intense. Buses, which are mixed in traffic,
have been experiencing losses in ridership partly due to bus trips taking too long because
of congestion. Another serious problem is duplication of service: often there are multiple
bus companies operating in the same corridor while other corridors are not serviced
(Figure 21).
Minibus services are very popular, especially with suburban riders.
Unregulated bus and minibus operators are springing up in response to consumer demand.
Often these operators have direct contracts with employers to pick up and transport
workers.
There has been very little coordination of bus services and no overall
strategy in São Paulo. The regulated operators fight over rights not only for new regular
bus routes but also new trunk, feeder, and minibus/van routes and service areas.
There are 18 trolley bus routes in the city which are fully integrated
in the bus network. There are 500 trolley buses on the fleet operating in the city. There
is also trolley bus service in the suburban areas consisting of 46 vehicles. São Paulo
Transport is working with the manufacturer Marco Polo to design and manufacture
state-of-the-art trolley buses.
There is a strong history of public opinion surveys being used in São
Paulo for the purpose of providing input for public policy development. Figure 22 presents
survey ratings of São Paulo Transit and EMTU. Approval ratings are higher for EMTU which
typically delivers services with newer equipment.
CMSP has a very high approval rating. It is the mode of choice and its
attractiveness is growing. The system recovers 106 percent of costs from farebox revenues.
There are almost 600 cars in the system. It is clean, efficient, and on time. (It is an
astonishing sight to see CMSP employees scrubbing floors and walls of subway stations
during rush-hour periods when load factors reach seven people per square meter.)
Surveys conducted by CMSP evaluate its service quality and company
image in terms of comfort, speed, reliability, security, and other factors. CMSP is most
interested in learning whether service rendered is in accordance with users’ wants.
Survey results are used by management to identify areas to improve. Figure 23 shows the
results of Gallup polls, followed by a chart summarizing user opinions from CMSP polls on
the red, blue, and green rail lines. The survey results show that the public wants
security, ride comfort, efficiency of ticketing, station comfort, and reduced headways
between trains.
Commitment to the customer is exemplified by the cleanliness of the
subway and bus systems; they are the cleanest of all the systems visited. There are few
cities that enjoy the same level of transit cleanliness. This achievement is astounding in
a city with a population density four times that of New York City, traffic congestion that
clogs the streets and highway network from sunup to sundown, and significant air
pollution. Cleanliness standards, station art exhibits, and attention to detail in this
regard are unwavering in São Paulo. Officials say that without this focus, customers
would consider other modes of travel. It is an impressive base for a successful customer
service program.
Metro information is quite good. Signage is clear and easy to
understand. System maps are posted in prominent locations in stations and duplicated on
subway cars. Information is comparable to North American standards. Station design is
orderly and expansive, but not large enough to handle crushing customer load factors.
There are adequate bus stop signs and shelters on the streets. Again, as in all of the
cities visited, there were no public schedules available for review. Buses arrived very
frequently (every 1-2 minutes), overhead destination signs matched the route name and
number on the bus stop signs, and customers boarded and alighted with relative ease. Load
factors during most of the day were at least equal to that of the subway system. The
biggest difference was that buses did not move much because roads were congested at all
times of the day. It is not unusual to see 25 to 30 buses stacked bumper-to-bumper on
congested roadways, all with capacity loads. Without the establishment of more busways
(there are some in areas abutting the central city) or Herculean efforts to reduce
congestion, it appears that bus ridership will continue to fall as people shift to the
expanded Metro or renovated commuter rail system.
SUMMARY OF POLICIES AND PRACTICES APPLICABLE TO THE UNITED STATES
It is possible to apply some of the lessons learned during this study
mission to the United States; however, many factors that contributed to the success of
these applications in Latin America are not present in the United States. Differences in
population densities, political structure, car-ownership rates, income levels, and
cultural perspectives of public transportation suggest that transferability of transit
strategies from the cities studied to U.S. cities must be carefully evaluated. There are,
however, some policies and practices that can be applied in the United States.
Privatization
The expected outcomes for privatization in Latin America are not the
same as in the United States. In the United States, privatization is expected to be more
cost efficient through increased competition and fewer bureaucratic requirements. In Latin
America, privatization has resulted in duplicative bus services, systems that do not
connect, and labor policies that would be considered very inefficient in the United
States.
The United States sees privatization as a way to generate competition.
As developed in some Latin American countries with 30- to 40-year contracts, increased
competition is not a goal of privatization. Privatization has been a viable alternative to
ensure that a wide array of services is provided with limited public investment. Bus
transportation has been privately provided in Argentina for many years and the positive
experience is now being tried with rail services.
The history of transit development in South America, plus the cultural,
economic, and demographic differences, make comparisons with the United States very
difficult. This does not mean, however, that there are not lessons to be learned from the
public-private rail partnerships in Latin America. In order to attract the private sector
to the transit industry, Argentina has been very flexible in developing its service
requirements. The primary interest is quality service, and the contracts focus on
outcomes, not process. The concessionaire is permitted to make a profit based on the
quality and efficiency of the infrastructure and the service. Incentives and profits are
tied directly to service enhancements and ridership. Long-term contracts provide a great
incentive to the private sector, allowing them to develop a long-range plan. The
government was willing to continue subsidization giving the private sector time to make
service improvements. In return, prices established for construction are firm, putting the
responsibility for project costs and schedule on the private sector. Latin American
countries are also less likely to impose costly deign and safety standards on their rail
providers. Environmental requirements are less stringent as are other business and labor
practices. The concessionaires have the flexibility to select subcontractors for
engineering, construction, marketing, and business development.
Latin America offers examples of the types of opportunities that
attract the private sector and the operating flexibility that is necessary for the private
sector to conduct its business. As transportation officials make decisions to form
partnerships with the private sector, public officials need to be realistic about the
goals and objectives of the partnership. Roles should be clearly identified and the public
must recognize the profit motive aspects of the private sector. Compromise in the
"normal" governmental requirements may be necessary and must be weighed against
the goals for the private service. Long- and short-term political and financial interests
should be considered. Decisions should be based on long-range goals. The answers may not
be simple and the solutions may not be obvious.
Busways
Busways provide a transit option that can be applied in a wide range of
circumstances. The Brazilian experience suggests that the capacity of busways, which can
be as high as 27,000 riders per hour in each direction, is high enough to accommodate
transit ridership in all but the busiest corridors in the largest U.S. cities. On the
other hand, the relatively low cost of busways (approximately $1.5 to $2 million per
kilometer based on Brazil’s experience) makes them a viable option for a smaller
urban area that wants to improve its transit service but cannot justify the large expense
of a light-rail system.
Busways are also very flexible in their design and development. A very
important benefit of busways is that they can be built incrementally over time as demand
evolves and funding becomes available. Buses can easily switch back and forth between an
exclusive lane and mixed traffic along a corridor. Such a mixed system can be the first
phase of a full busway development, or the final design. This flexibility for partial
implementation contrasts sharply with a rail system, which requires a fully connected line
before the first train can operate. In addition, a bus-only transit system can start to
use busways with existing equipment and facilities.
Integrated Approach
An integrated approach, in which new busways are combined with other
transit improvements, is much more effective than if the busway is built without the
supporting improvements. For example, transit signal priority, prepaid fares, and platform
passenger boarding contribute to the success of the Curitiba busway design. These
supporting elements of the Curitiba system combine with the busway to create a greater
reduction in travel time, as evidenced by the higher speeds of the Curitiba system despite
higher passenger loads. The busway by itself would be much less effective if a greater
amount of time was spent waiting for red traffic lights or for passengers to pay their
fare and board. The actual elements that are used to support the busway could vary from
city to city.
Median Busways
The Brazilian experience suggests that busways in the median are
preferable to curbside busways. Porto Alegre has built both types of busways and
determined that any future busways will be built in the median. Median busways have the
primary advantage of fewer conflicts with vehicles turning from or into side streets and
driveways, allowing for faster and safer bus movement. They can be safely designed for
pedestrian access to bus stops, and bus stops should be designed with sufficient width
and/or protective barriers so waiting passengers do not feel exposed to nearby traffic. A
disadvantage of a median busway, which may be more important in the United States with its
high automobile use, is that the busways provide a barrier to direct left-turn access to
property. Eliminating this access can be very difficult in some situations.
Feeder-Trunk System
There is a clear benefit of using the same vehicle for neighborhood
service and the corridor connection into downtown. Such a system eliminates the need for a
transfer, which has been conclusively demonstrated to be a disincentive to use transit.
However, there are also advantages of using separate vehicles for the neighborhood feeder
and the trunk route. One benefit is that separate vehicles allow for the frequency of
service to be closely matched to demand. Porto Alegre, for example, discovered that having
every neighborhood bus operate on the corridor resulted in overcapacity on the corridor
and inefficient use of resources. As a result, they are converting to a feeder-trunk
system.
In addition, the design and capacity of the vehicle can be tailored to
busway operation. For example, the Curitiba system uses biarticulated coaches on the
busways. These coaches have five doors and are designed to fit with the boarding platforms
to allow for at-grade passenger access. Such a bus works extremely well on the busway but
would clearly not be appropriate for neighborhood service. Similarly, the use of separate
buses allows for small bus service in neighborhoods, which may be more appropriate for the
narrower streets and more acceptable to neighborhood residents.
Another advantage of a feeder-trunk system is the simplicity of
passenger information and operations. A single route along a busway eliminates the need
for passengers to determine if a particular approaching bus is the route they need. It
also eliminates the operational need for bus overtaking facilities or bus ordering along a
busway.
The actual decision to separate the neighborhood service from the
busway service is one that must be carefully considered by each system. Important factors
to consider are the passenger amenities available at the transfer point and the frequency
of service and the possibility of timed-meets between the neighborhood and corridor buses.
In the absence of high-frequency service (10-minute headways, at a minimum), or a
timed-meet, it is likely that using the same bus for neighborhood and corridor service
will be the preferred option.
Land-Use Coordination
Perhaps the most important factor in achieving high transit ridership
is the coordination of land-use planning with transportation planning. Such coordination
will yield few short-term results, but will have great long-term benefits. Busways, like
rail, provide opportunities for coordinating land-use planning with transit service.
The close tie between land-use plans and transit plans is the primary
reason that the Curitiba system is so successful. In all its planning efforts, Curitiba
has recognized the importance of the human element with pedestrian and transit priorities.
Curitiba planned the development of the city and the transit system in a coordinated
fashion 30 years ago. The highest density development was planned to occur along five
major transit busways. At the time the plan was conceived, Curitiba had a population of
about 400,000 people. It has since grown to a city of 1.6 million people. Remarkably, the
city consistently followed through with its long-range plan for the last 30 years, and the
city now has developed as intended. There is a clear, tiered pattern of development, with
higher density occurring in the downtown area and along the busways, and density that is
progressively lower as distance from the busway increases. This development pattern has
provided direct, convenient access to very high-quality transit service for a large
proportion of Curitiba’s population.
Curitiba’s top-down management approach has enabled city planners
to coordinate land use and transit on a more detailed level. The location of city
services, retail, and recreational facilities with major busway transit stations has made
transit use more convenient in Curitiba.
Clearly, Curitiba chose to integrate land use and transportation at a
very opportune time in its development, just prior to a very significant population surge.
Mass transit has become more than just a transportation system; it is an instrument to
control and guide city growth. As a result, the benefits of this coordinated planning have
been realized relatively quickly. The systematic approach to service delivery and the
integration with land development is more important than technology or vehicle systems
chosen. It is unlikely that many U.S. cities can expect such significant growth. In
addition, many U.S. cities are at a mature point in their development, and significant
redevelopment is unlikely. Despite these limitations, it is still very important that
land-use and transit planning be closely linked. It may take longer for the benefits to
accrue, and the end result may not be as significant as in Curitiba’s case. However,
in the long term, coordinated land-use and transit planning may be the most important
action a community can take. In addition, the smaller-scale coordination of encouraging
transit-supportive activities in the vicinity of major transit facilities is important and
can realize more immediate benefits.
APPENDIX A
MISSION PARTICIPANTS AND THEIR TITLES AND AFFILIATIONS AT THE
TIME OF THE MISSION
Mission 8, April 18–May 2, 1998: Private Urban Transit Systems and Low-Cost
Mobility Solutions in Major Latin American Cities
Participants
| John
Bartosiewicz (Team Leader) General Manager
Fort Worth Transportation Authority
Fort Worth, TX
Carmino (Carm) Basile
Director of Marketing and Information
Capital District Transportation Authority
Albany, NY
Cesar Cintron
Vice President of Operations
Metropolitan Bus Authority
San Juan, PR
Sharon Dent
Executive Director
HARTline
Tampa, FL
Marta Frausto
Associate Transportation Planner
Caltrans-District 6
Fresno, CA
Stacy Kamita
Senior Financial Analyst
Sacramento Regional Transit District
Sacramento, CA
Dave A. Lee
General Manager
Connecticut Transit
Hartford, CT
Maureen Milan
Vice President and General Manager
NJ Transit
Newark, NJ
John Sedlak
Assistant General Manager
Metropolitan Transit Authority
Houston, TX
Beverley K. Swaim-Staley
Director, Office of Finance
Maryland Dept. of Transportation
BWI Airport, MD
Jose (Pepe) Valdes
Assistant to the MDTA Director
Miami-Dade Transit Agency
Miami, FL
Stefano Viggiano
Planning and Development Manager
Lane Transit District
Eugene, OR
Joe Walsh
Director of Project Development
Tri-Met
Portland, OR
George G. Wynne (Team Coordinator)
Director, International Center
Academy for State and Local Government
Washington, DC |
|
APPENDIX B
URBAN PLANNING IN CURITIBA, BRAZIL
This section identifies planning theories and concepts that are
guidelines for Curitiba’s urban growth and provision of a transportation system. It
examines the strategies used to implement the main themes of the city’s sense of
direction and some of the most noted elements of the city’s Integrated Transportation
Network (ITN).
Curitiba’s general planning theories and concepts—humane
city, design with nature, comprehensiveness, and interrelatedness—are applicable to
any city in the world. Curitiba’s strategies are defined by the direction of the
city’s master plan. Political expediency, social responsibility, simplicity,
incremental/continuous improvement, appropriate technology, and cost efficiency are the
strategic applications used to accomplish what is becoming one of the best-known
integrated land-use and transportation network models in the world. The specific elements
of the ITN are even more location- and purpose-driven.
HUMANE CITY AND DESIGN WITH NATURE CONCEPTS
The most important of basic urban planning concepts is the
consideration of human beings within the natural and physical environment as the reasons
for civic and social action. Humane city and design with nature concepts are the
fundamental principles that guide the evolution of Curitiba. The guiding concepts are
applied throughout all elements of the master plan but are best noted in land use and
transportation. Quality of life is the city’s trademark and has been consciously
adopted by Curibitanos as their identity.
The design with nature concept was institutionalized during the 1960s
and formally adopted by Mayor Jaime Lerner in 1971. Curitiba is known as an
"Ecological City" and the "Environmental Capital of Brazil." The city
takes a "green" and "working with the environment instead of against
it" approach in its work to plan the urban environment.
In Curitiba, human scale is a major consideration for limiting building
heights. Setbacks for stories above the second floor have been established to reduce
shadows on sidewalks, streets, and the transit way. High-rise buildings are permitted but
are limited to the first block from the core of linear axes and must adhere to a
mixed-uses criteria. Five-foot sidewalks are required between buildings and street curbs.
The city has developed an integrated transportation system that
considers the "customer as the focus" and emphasizes the use of public transit,
pedestrian ways, and bicycle paths. The customer is expected not to have to walk more than
550 yards to catch a bus. Transferability is facilitated by terminals and stations. Buses
are designed with the comfort of people in mind. Easy boarding/unboarding, comfortable
seating, limiting six passengers per square meter, and smooth bus travel are some of the
built-in design standards that make using the transit system pleasurable. The result is an
intensified use of the transit system and one of the lowest rates of ambient air pollution
in Brazil.
COMPREHENSIVENESS AND INTERRELATEDNESS
Each element of the municipal master plan has been carefully and
thoughtfully analyzed and developed in relation to the other elements of the plan. No
element is studied and planned in isolation or in a void. Most notable is the integration
of the core network of land use, transportation, and the roadway system. An important
lesson learned from the Curitiba experience is that a master plan can be accomplished with
the aid of progressive leadership and the high approval rating of the general public. The
outcome is a contrast to the general plan amendment approach that has become routine in
the United States.
The development of Curitiba as one of the most consciously and
environmentally "progressive" cities in the world took a long time. The
evolution of this pedestrian-friendly, transit-oriented city can be categorized in three
phases. Phase 1, which occurred between 1943 and the early 1970s, was mainly an evolution
of a master plan, that in its inception was similar to any other automobile-oriented
development plan. The Agache Plan, created by the French urban planner Alfred Agache,
proposed a hub-and-spoke system of wide boulevards radiating to and from the core of the
city with concentric ring roads. Extensive investment in road infrastructure would prepare
Curitiba for what was expected as unavoidable, uncontrolled development.
Phase 2 developed because the city could not afford to implement the
massive road infrastructure proposed in the Agache Plan. In 1965, Curitiba adopted the
Preliminary Urban Development Plan which veered radically from the Agache Plan. This plan
called for directing downtown overspill growth to two linear corridors as a way to limit
the need for major investments on infrastructure. The center of the corridors would give
preferential treatment to mass transit and pedestrians and give secondary consideration to
automobile travel.
Phase 3 occurred from the early 1970s to the late 1980s when the master
plan, that gave the city the initial structural form along two, and eventually, five
linear axes, was implemented. The downtown area had become saturated and congested and its
overspill was directed toward a north/south corridor. The primary tool for encouraging
land development along the corridors was a trinary road system that gives transit priority
status and the road system a supplementary role. At the center of the system is the
two-way exclusive busway (one lane in each direction) and two local, slow-moving, one-way
roads (one in each direction) that discourage the use of vehicles but give access to the
buildings that front the core of the trinary system. One block away to either side are
two, three-lane, one-way, high-capacity streets traveling in opposite directions. They
serve long-distance travel to and from the downtown. Parking is not allowed along the
roads of the trinary system. The next roads away from the three-lane, one-way streets are
local streets. The transportation system reinforces land-use development designation and
zoning policy.
Mixed land uses are encouraged and directed to the area surrounding the
linear axis. Densities diminish away from the main corridor. Retail, commercial, and
residential uses are concentrated in high-rise buildings on the block fronting the main
transit corridor between the busway and the one-way streets. The high densities guarantee
the directional split required to maintain a high-capacity mass transit system. Next is a
housing zone made up of mid-rise condominium and apartment complexes of 8 to 12 stories.
These buildings are followed by low-rise structures of 3 to 5 stories. Even further out
are residential units of row houses, duplexes, and single-family detached houses.
The transportation system that serves this mixed-use corridor has one
of the highest rates of transit ridership in the world and functions like a metro rail
system that utilizes buses. Although economic problems partially account for the high
rates of use, the majority reportedly ride the bus by preference.
In addition to the wide-scale effort to develop and provide mass
transit, work was carried out to guide Curitiba towards nonmotorized and pedestrian
travel. The creation of a linear growth axis away from the central business district (CBD)
and the resultant reduction in congestion made it easier to promote walking in the city
center. The city created a pedestrian network that today covers approximately 50 blocks in
the downtown area. The closure of certain roads was a venture that took bold action
against the wishes of many businessowners. Roads were torn out and converted to a
pedestrian-way system. The pedestrian zone in the downtown area made shopping more
pleasant for the pedestrian and became an economic and social success. Bus terminals at
the boundary of the CBD and parking restrictions within the city center added to the
success.
In 1992, the Curitiba Public Works Plan called for 93 miles of bicycle
paths to be built along river bottom valleys, railway tracks, and the city’s
districts and neighborhoods to make the whole city accessible by bicycle.
The combination of the ITN, pedestrian facilities, and bicycle pathways
helped to assure effective use of modes of travel other than the private automobile.
PLAN IMPLEMENTATION STRATEGIES
The successful implementation of Curitiba’s master plan was made
possible by adhering to several strategic concepts.
Political Support
There is a political constituency in Curitiba that has continued to
support the plan over time, empowering the general plan implementation process. Much of
the success can be attributed to the leadership of the architect, urban planner, and
visionary, Jaime Lerner, and his supporters. The political agenda has continued to the
present and can be credited for continuous support of plan implementation.
Social Responsibility
Curitiba has a sense of responsibility to those who are economically
disadvantaged. Development of industrial zones aims to give economic support and
self-sufficiency to all the districts. This sense of obligation comes from the notion that
a humane city needs to be fair to all its citizens. It is a responsibility that demands
extra effort to provide resources to those who are most in need. This is most evident in
some of its land-use and transportation policies.
The Municipal Housing Fund Act permits developers to purchase the
rights to develop up to an additional two stories on a residential building. The funds
from these transactions are used to purchase housing for low-income families. The higher
densities are granted only for residential buildings within walking distance of the
transitway where infrastructure can support intensification.
The availability of transportation for the economically and physically
disadvantaged is further evidence of the city’s goal of social equity. The cost of a
trip to almost anywhere in the city is $0.70. This price covers short trips, usually made
close to the CBD by middle- or upper-income people or longer, interdistrict trips
generally made by low-income residents. The outcome is that the average low-income
resident does not spend more than 10 percent of his or her income for transportation,
which is relatively low in Brazil.
In addition, free bus rides are available to the poor, the elderly over
65 years of age, postal workers, police officers, firefighters, students, and the
disabled. Taxis pick up the disabled to connect them to the ITN. Poor families can collect
bags of garbage in exchange for free transit passes.
Simplicity
Simplicity is the key word and basic strategy to implementing the
desired effect in Curitiba. Simplicity serves two primary purposes. Keeping it simple
means that it will be cheap to plan, implement, and achieve. It also gives way to the
sense that if the general public can understand, then political support is likely.
Incremental and Continuous Implementation of the Master Plan
The land-use structure along five linear axes and the ITN are the
outcome of pragmatic, incremental, and continuous work to develop Curitiba, its
infrastructure, and its program and services. For more then three decades, the city has
constantly responded to existing and new circumstances to upgrade the ITN by increasing
the comfort and pleasure of the citizen, increasing the capacity and level-of-service of
the system and its supportive pedestrian and bicycle facilities.
The long-term results have been many small steps towards the dramatic
effect of the goal to become "an ecological city." This approach continues as
the city is faced with saturation of the ITN and is studying future plans of a guided
light-rail system for the internal core of ITN. There are too many cross streets to
operate the busways as true, uninterrupted express trips, even with transit signal
priority at every intersection. URBS and Instituto de Pesquisa de Planejamento Urbano de
Curitiba (IPPUC) are considering grade separation to increase busway capacity. The city is
also looking at viaduct pedestrian interdistrict connections, landscaped walkways and
busways, and disincentives to automobile use.
Appropriate Technology
Any decision to apply the most modern and appropriate technology to any
component of the ITN becomes an interactive process which includes the municipal
government, the private sector, and the general public. Decisions on technological
applications are placed mostly and appropriately with the technicians.
The public agencies that play the biggest roles in defining and
applying the most appropriate technology are the IPPUC and URBS. The IPPUC, the
city’s planning and research institute, has broad authority to establish policy based
on the master plan and to define how policy will be implemented. URBS implements
transportation policy.
The IPPUC brings together a multidisciplinary and diversified team of
professionals, architects, urban planners, engineers, sociologists, historians,
economists, and the representatives of all functional areas of the municipal government to
conduct studies and research and to produce policy documents that guide urban growth and
the provision of city infrastructure, programs, and services. Participants in IPPUC
activities are expected to stay abreast of the most updated research, information, and
technologies of their disciplines. The expertise of team members is incorporated into the
decision-making process.
The URBS manages and administers Curitiba’s transportation system.
It also oversees the planning, management, and operation, and financial component of the
transportation system which includes roadways, mass transit, and taxis. URBS delegates the
operations of the ITN to private companies on a competitive basis. The private companies
make technological recommendations, but URBS is the determining factor. The general public
is given the opportunity to have input through URBS’s continuous monitoring and
inspection where requests are made, as well as through surveys and the political process.
Solutions to problems are simple, efficient, and low-cost. They are
implemented quickly with immediate results.
Cost Efficiency
The land-use development objectives, the decision to move humans not
automobiles, and the desire to keep a tight fist on spending have been the main
determinants for the cost efficiency of the bus network system. The decision to apply
low-cost strategies to cope with rapid growth came from the dire need and conscious
decision to keep a handle on spending. The land-use and zoning policy that directs
development along a designated and limited number of linear structural axes helped to
guarantee that expenses for infrastructure would be kept to a minimum. Evaluation was done
to compare the cost difference between providing a bus network or an urban rail system.
The decision was clearly to develop the trinary transport system.
The public/private funding partnership has also attributed to keeping
the cost of providing bus network services at a minimum. URBS oversees and manages the
integrated bus network system that is operated and financed by private companies. URBS
guarantees quality control of the system. Private companies work to meet operational and
service standards and minimize expenditures.
SUMMARY
Curitiba is one of the most socially and environmentally conscious
cities in the world. Its citizens are happy and have a strong sense of community. Local
government officials plan and develop the city in a way that considers how Curitibanos
feel, live, and spend their leisure time.
The general philosophy in Curitiba is to work for the benefit of human
beings and the environment. This way of thinking can easily be adopted by any community in
the world. Even places that already enjoy being "livable" communities can do
well by incorporating these values into their transportation and urban planning policies.
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